Archive for February, 2008

15
Feb

“Kosova” about to open Pandora’s Box in Balkans

“Kosova” about to open Pandora’s Box in BalkansBy txenos | February 15, 2008

Slowly, inexorably the “international community,” with the US, Britain, Germany, and France in the lead, is about to sanction the secession of the province of Kosovo from the Republic of Serbia and approve an independent “Kosova” (the name the Kosovar Albanian thugs prefer for their rump). “Kosova” will come into being most likely this Sunday, February 17, following years of international “supervision” and administration — which came right after the unprecedented NATO attack upon Serbia in 1999 and the heavy bombing of that country so that the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK), a terrorist organization until 1998 in the books of the US and Western Europe, could complete its scheme of creating its own criminal enclave financed with drug, arms smuggling, and prostitution money. In fact, “Kosova’s” current “prime minister,” Hashim Thaci, a convicted terrorist, was the UCK’s “political leader” during the woodland days, but now has exchanged his fatigues for suit and necktie and likes to romp alongside international officials who address him as “Mr. prime minister.”

“Kosova’s” independence is driven, mainly, by an unusual American hatred toward Serbia and the obvious intent to deliver another stab at Russia, the only major power that has stood by Serbia’s side against secession. In the background, EU powers wring their hands, as usual, and follow the US lead uncritically and mostly blindly. Memory is short in this continent. Few remember that Germany’s precipitous move to recognize the secession of Slovenia and Croatia from the then Yugoslavia in the early 1990s essentially put into motion the events which led to the bloodiest war on European soil since the end of WWII and the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

Greece, inept, confused, and in a stupor, is watching the avalanche without too much interest. “Kosova” independence though should have sent this country’s government agencies and security authorities into battle stations. We tend to forget, for example, that our easternmost provinces near Turkey are populated by Muslims, most of whom claim Turkish ethnicity. We also tend to forget that this minority has never stopped its collusion with Turkish diplomats who are, in reality, active intelligence operatives charged with missions that in another country would have triggered their expulsion and a round of arrests among their local confederates. Furthermore, Greece is already the target of various Albanian irredentists demanding, in effect, most of northwestern Greece as an Albanian possession. Are we all that distant from a “Turkish Republic of Western Thrace” or a revived “Tsamouria?”“Kosova’s” secession won’t go without its ripples. Serbia has already announced it will never recognize this new “state” and will implement a plan to counter it. Russia is standing ready in the background. The US and Europe will rush to offer the rump diplomatic recognition. I wonder though who’s going to deal with the violence that may emerge immediately. Is NATO to send its bombers again to drop a few on Serbia? Greece, of course, will recognize “Kosova” but imagine what would happen if this country displayed some backbone and said “No.” Would we have NATO bombers visiting us over Athens? The way the “alliance” is acting and the way the agenda of the “humanitarian bombers” is taking precedence over all others, the prospect would not be entirely unlikely.

http://dominagrecia.com/?p=322

15
Feb

What future for the OSCE?

What future for the OSCE?

The re-emergence of a political East and West is just one issue that the OSCE must tackle or else render itself irrelevant. From EurasiaNet.

By Jean-Christophe Peuch for EurasiaNet (15/02/08)

Finland’s foreign minister Ilkka Kanerva, who took the helm of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) on 1 January, believes the time has come to build what he calls “a new spirit of Helsinki.”

“We cannot afford to let this organization, with its more than 30 years of history, fade away,” Kanerva told reporters in Vienna in January, shortly after briefing the OSCE’s Permanent Council on the priorities of his 12 month-chairmanship.

In other words, the world’s largest regional security organization must reverse to the fundamental principles of the Helsinki Final Act, which, at the height of the Cold War, gave birth to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).

For nearly 15 years, the CSCE served as an important multilateral forum for dialog and cooperation between East and West during the last years of the Cold War. When it became the OSCE three years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were widespread expectations that the European continent would soon become “whole and free.”

Yet, this dream never came true and a number of OSCE participating states are still ruled by authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. In addition, old divisions are now re-emerging, raising the specter of renewed confrontation between the former Cold War enemies and threatening the very foundations of the OSCE.

Mounting disagreements among the organization’s 56 participating states have made it impossible for OSCE annual ministerial councils to adopt final declarations since 2002. Last year saw those divergences further deepen and, despite a last-minute agreement to give Kazakhstan the chairmanship of the organization in 2010, all other divisive issues remain.

In Kanerva’s view, what the OSCE needs most at the moment is “a new injection of optimism and positive spirit.”

Indeed, one would hardly find reasons to be optimistic in the working paper the Hamburg-based Center for OSCE Research (CORE) released in mid-January.

Called “Identifying the Cutting Edge: The Future Impact of the OSCE,” this report - which was commissioned by the Finnish Foreign Ministry in anticipation of its upcoming chairmanship - says the organization is experiencing “a crisis of both political substance and moral legitimacy” that may take years to rectify.

“The best that can be hoped for the OSCE in 2008 is that the damage resulting from current and forthcoming disputes will be minimized, while, at the same time, conditions for a more ambitious effort to reframe the basic consensus among the participating states are fostered,” the report says.

In the view of European, American and Russian experts who helped draft this 38-page document, the OSCE’s core values - common and cooperative security, shared norms and commitments, and inclusive dialog - are “in acute danger.”

“When key norms such as cooperative security and democracy and human rights are ignored or challenged, the OSCE’s legitimacy is in danger,” those experts say.

Among factors that are undermining the organization is what the report identifies as “the re-emergence of a political East and West” and “the resurgence of unilateral military thinking” in both the United States and Russia.

Citing the potential danger posed by Iran and other so-called rogue states suspected of seeking to develop nuclear arsenals, the United States has been pressing plans to deploy missile-defense systems in Poland and the Czech Republic. In parallel, it is considering establishing military bases in Bulgaria and Romania, while mulling further eastward expansion by NATO.

Russia, which believes those US initiatives represent a threat to its security and a violation of international disarmament pacts, in December suspended its participation to the 1990 Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty. OSCE officials are now concerned other CFE states - Armenia and Azerbaijan, in particular - might follow suit and in turn freeze their treaty commitments. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

In recent days, Russian leader Vladimir Putin indulged in some neo-Cold War behavior, threatening to aim Russian nuclear-armed missiles at Ukraine and other Central European nations if they embrace NATO too tightly. Appearing at a US congressional hearing, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called Putin’s rhetoric “reprehensible.”

In his recent address to the OSCE’s Permanent Council, Kanerva vowed to help Russia and other CFE states resolve their differences through dialog in order to save what is commonly described as the cornerstone of European security. “The future of the [CFE] Treaty should be secured. An erosion of the Treaty regime should be avoided at all costs,” he told reporters afterwards.

The OSCE’s politico-military dimension is not the only one that is being challenged. Its so-called human dimension is also under serious pressure.

Moscow has been increasingly critical of the work of the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), which it accuses of political bias and holds responsible for ushering in new, Western-oriented governments in Georgia and Ukraine in the wake of disputed elections held in 2003 and 2004, respectively.

ODIHR is an autonomous institution that reports directly to the OSCE’s chairman-in-office. Russia and another six CIS countries last year drafted a series of proposals which seek to bring ODIHR under the control of participating states and reduce both the scope and size of its election-observation missions in former Soviet republics.

The United States and Western European countries object to the proposed Russian-sponsored reform, saying it aims to weaken the OSCE’s election-monitoring activities.

The dispute culminated when ODIHR, citing delays in the issuing of Russian entry visas to its observers, refused to monitor the December 2007 State Duma election. This, in turn, prompted the Kremlin to threaten to further cut its contribution to the OSCE budget. In yet another dramatic twist, ODIHR last week said restrictions imposed by the Kremlin would not allow it to observe the March 2 presidential ballot.

At his annual news conference 14 February, Putin had derisive words for ODIHR. “I don’t think anyone is tempted to deliver any ultimatums to Russia today, especially an organization with an acronym sounding so bad to the Russian ear as ODIHR,” Putin said.

“We invited 100 people [OSCE monitors]… [They think] it’s too few for them,” Putin continued, referring to the March election monitor-dispute. In a departure from the infamous saying often attributed to Marie Antionette - “Let them eat cake” - Putin told ODIHR that instead of offering lessons in democratization, it should “teach [their] wives how to make shchi [the Russian word for barley soup].”

The ODIHR controversy is just the tip of the iceberg. It stems from much deeper divergences among participating states about what the organization’s agenda should be. Reconciling those conflicting visions is perhaps the greatest challenge that is awaiting Finland and its designated successors - Greece, Kazakhstan, and Lithuania - in the years to come.

While accusing the OSCE of neglecting arms control issues, Russia claims the United States and other Western countries are using the organization as a vehicle to promote their own pro-democracy agenda. Washington, in turn, believes issues related to Europe’s security should be dealt with in forums where Russia has no say - such as NATO - and that the OSCE should focus more on the promotion of human rights and democracy.

“For a number of Western states, the OSCE is primarily a human dimension organization that is expected to be active primarily South and East of Vienna, whereas arms control is seen as peripheral at best and dangerous at worst,” the CORE report says. It adds: “The test for Western states, particularly for the [United States], will be whether their interest in the human dimension and ODIHR is greater than their current distaste for multilateral arms control.”

The CORE experts believe Moscow’s intentions remain similarly ambiguous. “Does Russia’s renewed interest in [the] field [of arms control] reflect genuine concerns? Or does it rather represent an effort to introduce a political currency more to Russia’s liking than the human dimension? Or is it even an effort to divert attention from attempts to weaken ODIHR?” they ask.

They further argue that only serious consultations among participating states can help answer those questions and find a “new basic consensus” on the substance of the OSCE’s politico-military and human dimensions.

They also recommend that, for the sake of preserving the unity of the OSCE “as a community of shared values, norms, and commitments,” high-level discussions be held within the organization on the meaning and different forms of democracy. This, they say, will help “keep the democratic option open for all participating states.”

While acknowledging that such an undertaking involves considerable political risks, the CORE experts argue that failure to address those issues “might involve even greater risks” for the OSCE.

 


 

Jean-Christophe Peuch is a Vienna-based freelance correspondent, who specializes in Caucasus- and Central Asia-related developments.

EurasiaNet provides information and analysis about political, economic, environmental, and social developments in the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as in Russia, the Middle East, and Southwest Asia. The website presents a variety of perspectives on contemporary developments, utilizing a network of correspondents based both in the West and in the region. The aim of EurasiaNet is to promote informed decision making among policy makers, as well as broadening interest in the region among the general public. EurasiaNet is operated by the Central Eurasia Project of the Open Society Institute.

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/news/sw/details.cfm?id=18652

15
Feb

Djibouti in eye of the storm

15 February 2008
Djibouti in eye of the storm


 

 

Djibouti faces significant challenges as it seeks to parlay short-term gains into long-term stability in a region wracked by conflict.

By Dominic Moran in Tel Aviv for ISN Security Watch (15/02/08)

Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Guelleh maintains a strong hold on the reins of power after supporting parties swept national legislative election last week.

The president, whose People’s Rally for Progress (RPP) has held uninterrupted power since independence in 1977, faces little obvious pressure either domestically or from key allies the US and France, as the US seeks to cement its expanded military presence in the strategically important Horn of Africa state.

Nevertheless, challenges lie ahead for the government with key trade partner Ethiopia engaged in saber rattling toward Eritrea and strong economic growth failing to combat poverty.

Easing tensions

Civil war broke out in Djibouti in late 1991 with the minority Afar group, which constitutes just over one-third of the population, rebelling against the political predominance of the Somali-speaking Issa tribe in the then one-party state.

In 1994, most elements of the rebel Afar Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) signed on to a peace deal involving the ethnic division of cabinet posts. Sporadic violence continued until 2000-2001 when a holdout radical FRUD faction signed peace deals with the government.

“It was not a war between Somali and Afar. It was the Afar who said, ‘We have no power, we are not in the government, there is discrimination against Afar,’” Jean-Luc Charles, a spokesperson for the Association for Respect of Human Rights in Djibouti (ARDHD), told ISN Security Watch.

The majority FRUD faction is now a member, with the RPP, of the five-party Union for the Presidential Majority coalition, which has divvied up the 65-seat National Assembly along ethnic lines.

Nevertheless, Issa reportedly retain a firm hold on employment within the civil service and key positions within the RPP.

According to Charles, in the 2000-2001 peace deal the government pledged to “give the same facilities to the Afar as to the other people.”

“This agreement was not respected and President Guelleh still continues to take all the power, all the money and does not give anything to the north region where the Afar are a majority,” Charles alleged. “There is no money for schools; no money for education; no money for health. So this region is very undeveloped.”

Boycott

Constitutional and electoral reforms have led to the elaboration of a sharply delimited multiparty democratic system in Djibouti, with the political opposition kept firmly from the centers of power.

Ismail Guedi Hared, the head of the opposition Union for a Democratic Alternative (UAD) coalition, called on supporters to boycott this month’s parliamentary election, charging that the poll was designed for and by the ruling coalition.

“Before the election the opposition said, “We will not go to the election because we have no chance because everything is falsified,” Charles noted.

The opposition boycott followed UAD decisions not to stand candidates in the April 2005 presidential and March 2006 regional elections. The boycotts came after the UAD failed to win a single seat in the previous 2003 Assembly election, despite snaring just under 38 percent of the vote.

The established first-past-the-post electoral system gives the ruling coalition a lock on government through ensuring that the opposition does not receive places in parliament commensurate with its level of public support.

The UAD claims that prominent members of all three constituent parties and of the Djiboutian League of Human Rights (LDDHH) were placed under house arrest ahead of the elections, stymieing efforts to hold a major rally.

The government is resisting opposition calls for a proportional voting system. Prime Minister Dileita Mohamed Dileita told Agence France Presse recently that this may result in “upsetting the tribal balance” in Djibouti. “We have the example of our neighbor Somalia and we don’t want that,” he said.

Fraying ties?

The continuance of RPP rule has provided a stability sorely lacking in neighboring states and crucial to the emergence of Djibouti as a regional player in the so-called war on terror. This stability is premised, in part, on a Franco-Djiboutian accord guaranteeing French protection from foreign incursions.

The Guelleh government currently plays host to around 3,000 French troops and has long served as a primary base for the French Foreign Legion. There is also a small French naval facility at Djibouti port.

However, the close ties enjoyed under the Jacques Chirac administration appear to be threatened both by a shift in French regional priorities towards other African states and the Gulf and a building crisis over the murder of a French judge in Djibouti.

An informed source tells ISN Security Watch that French priorities in eastern and central Africa have shifted toward Chad, Darfur and the Central African Republic where France is “a lead actor and very heavily involved.” By comparison, France has allowed other states to take the lead in Somalia and Ethiopia.

Djibouti is taking France to the international court in The Hague in a bid to gain access to French files concerning the purported murder of French judge Bernard Borrel, whose charred body was discovered in 1995 in a ravine outside the Djiboutian capital, with a gunshot wound to the head. The French refusal to pass on the files and issuance of summonses against Djiboutian officials appears to indicate that French investigators put some stock in Borrel’s widow’s allegations of official Djiboutian complicity in her husband’s death.>

“As the Borrel case will be [tried] it will destroy the relationship between the two countries,” Charles said.

Noting that French troops were reportedly being sent from Djibouti to a newly acquired base in Abu Dhabi, Charles said, “I think that France has taken the decision to leave Djibouti.”

Counter-terrorism base

With Franco-Djiboutian ties possibly on the cusp of the largest shake-up since Djiboutian independence, the US appears poised to gradually replace Paris as the Guelleh government’s primary foreign ally and guarantor.

The US presence in the Horn region has been bolstered significantly since 2002, reversing the largely hands-off approach taken since involvement in the UN’s disastrous 1992-1995 UN Somali mission.

Djibouti has played a critical role, hosting a combined task force - a move that has led to the development of what the informed source characterized as “a special relationship with the US.”

Djibouti City’s Camp Lemonier serves as the base for the US Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA). Most members of the 1,800-strong task force appears to be engaged in fairly mundane activities - improving military-to-military ties, training members of allied regional militaries and humanitarian projects. However, the CJTF-HOA mission was clearly defined by its first commander as combating “transnational terrorist groups posing an imminent threat.”

There have been unconfirmed reports of special operations raids in neighboring Somalia which may have been launched from Djibouti airport or from the multinational taskforce patrolling the nearby Somali coast and adjacent shipping lanes.

The naval taskforce is largely engaged in protecting the sea-lanes off Djibouti which, with around 60 percent of the world’s maritime traffic, are inviting targets for Somali pirates, and in efforts to interdict the smuggling of Islamic militants and materiel.

The strategic importance of Djibouti to the US has grown in recent years with the establishment of close military-to-military ties with Ethiopia and the latter’s war with Eritrea and invasion of Somalia. The US alleges that Eritrea is providing significant backing to the Islamic Courts Union in Somalia.

As elsewhere in Africa and the Pacific the US and France are increasingly competing for influence in Djibouti with China.

China’s Assistant Foreign Minister Zhai Jun signed an economic and technological cooperation pact with Djiboutian Foreign Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssouf following talks in Djibouti City last month.

This competition for influence, alongside a shift in US priorities after 2001, has meant that there is little pressure on the Guelleh government to move forward with democratic reforms.

“I don’t think there is a very heavy, serious [US] push on reform. The emphasis on keeping the government happy and stable is paramount there for the US government,” the informed source argued.

Regional ructions

Djibouti was the big winner in the 1998-2000 Ethiopian-Eritrean war becoming the only harbor for landlocked Ethiopia. The resultant exponential growth of throughput at Djibouti port, via the Addis-Adaba-Djibouti rail link, has become a mainstay of the economy.

However, the Guelleh administration has at times overplayed its hand through overcharging, and Ethiopia has begun to investigate the possibilities of using Berbera in Somaliland as an alternative port.

Chatham House’s Horn of Africa specialist Sarah Healy told ISN Security Watch: “With the fallout between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Djibouti is needed far more by Ethiopia than it was before. So it is in a fairly good position there but it has to be careful of the potential for destabilization to come from Eritrea.”

Without seeking a mediating role, Guelleh has sought to maintain friendly relations with Asmara since the resumption of ties broken off during the 1998-2000 Ethiopian-Eritrean war, recognizing the power imbalance that exists between Eritrea and Djibouti.

Referring to Djiboutian-Eritrean relations Healy said, “I think it is a thinner relationship than the one with Ethiopia but it is just about okay. Eritrea doesn’t have good relations with any of its neighbors.”

Djibouti has been largely insulated from the chaos in Somalia through the establishment of internationally-unrecognized Somaliland.

“I don’t think Djibouti is very directly affected by the instability in Mogadishu,” Healy said. “I think that they could be affected by what goes on in Somaliland which […] is quite stable at the moment and it appears to have good relations with Ethiopia.”

Despite this, problems are brewing. The UN recently enjoined the Guelleh government to protect a burgeoning tide of asylum seekers from Somalia who have crossed the Djiboutian border, seeking passage to Yemen.

The Ethiopian invasion of Somalia has also provoked significant criticism amongst ethnic Somalis in Djibouti.

With few natural resources, 60 percent unemployment and domestic consumption falling 35 percent from 1999-2006, Djibouti now relies strongly on its greatly expanded economic ties with Ethiopia, banking sector and income from foreign military bases.

The primary threat to long-term stability appears to lie in the failure of the Guelleh administration to promote public welfare. This provides the socio-economic basis for deleterious shifts in trade and international relations to promote unrest and radicalization.

ISN Security Watch contacted the Djiboutian embassy in Washington D.C. to seek a response to opposition and interviewee allegations. No reply had been received by press time.

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/news/sw/

15
Feb

The Big Business of Organized Crime in Mexico

The Big Business of Organized Crime in Mexico

 February 13, 2008 | 2044 GMT

 By Rodger Baker

Mexican President Felipe Calderon told a U.N. representative in Mexico City recently that the deployment of the Mexican military in counternarcotics operations is only a temporary solution, and that he plans to phase out the military’s role in these efforts. In recent weeks, the military has launched a large-scale security operation in select cities along the U.S.-Mexico border, disarming local police forces and conducting sweeps and raids in an effort to strike back at the increasingly violent Mexican drug cartels.

Calderon’s comments address a standing question on both sides of the border: What is the best way to deal with cartel activity? Germane to that question is defining just what it is that the security forces are up against.

The violence taking place in northern Mexico — and leaking across the border into the southern United States — is viewed by some as the result of the actions of narco-terrorists, while others call it an insurgency. But for the most part, those charged with countering the problem refer to it as criminality — more specifically, as organized crime. Defining the problem this way shapes the decisions regarding the tools and policies that are best suited to fighting it.

On both sides of the border, the primary forces tasked with dealing with the drug cartels and the spillover effects are law enforcement elements. In a law enforcement operation, as opposed to a counterinsurgency or counterterrorism operation, the ultimate goal is not only to stop the criminal behavior but also to detain the criminals and amass sufficient evidence to try them in court. The need for such evidence is not always as pressing in counterterrorism cases, in which the intelligence case can be made without having to reach the stricter threshold prosecution would require. Since taking office, Calderon has involved the military more than his predecessors in what traditionally has been the realm of law enforcement. This has had positive results against drug traffickers, at the expense of occasional higher tensions between federal and local authorities.

Meanwhile, on the U.S. side of the border, the Bush administration’s war on terrorism appears much more pressing and therefore receives many more resources than the fight against illegal drug activity and border violence. This does not mean the United States has not devoted modern technological resources to battle drug traffickers along the border. In fact, it has devoted significant intelligence assets to assist in tracking and cracking down on the drug cartels, from collecting signals and electronic intelligence to offering training and assistance to Mexican forces.

In viewing this as mainly a law enforcement issue, rather than a military one, several additional problems are being encountered on both sides of the border — not the least of which is a significant lack of coordination. On the Mexican side, local law enforcement often is infiltrated by the cartels and does not cooperate fully with essential government agencies — a phenomenon not unheard of north of the border as well. On the U.S. side, the various counties along the border like to run their own programs, and there are issues of federal American Indian land and private land to consider as well. A similar split between federal and local regulations and enforcement occurs on the Mexico side, where drug laws are all federal, so local officials can make arrests but must hand over suspects to the federal police. Further, while there is some level of coordination between the Mexican and the U.S. sides, frequently there is a lack of communication or significant miscom munication, such that an operation on one side of the border is not communicated to the other side.

These problems exist in many places, but they are particularly sensitive on the U.S.-Mexico border. A miscommunication between the United States and, say, the Colombian government does not have the immediate impact as a similar miscommunication along the U.S. border. Moves are under way to increase the coordination of overall counterdrug efforts along the border, but the contentious issue of immigration adds a second layer to the problem. For the United States, while there apparently are similarities between what is happening in Mexico and previous counterdrug fights in Colombia — or even in Thailand and Afghanistan — the contiguous border consistently adds a layer of complexity to the problem.

The United States has experience shutting down major drug-trafficking routes. It significantly disrupted the Caribbean drug routes, using naval interdiction (though this shifted many of these routes to Mexico, accelerating the rise of the Mexican cartels). And there is plenty of global experience sealing borders. The Germans were quite effective at sealing the border after World War II, as were many of the Soviet bloc states. The problem, of course, with completely sealing a border is that it stops trade, something the United States is not willing to do. Therefore, if the United States cannot effectively seal the border without risking trade, it instead can channel the flow of traffic and migration across the border. But even by channeling the flow, it is extremely difficult to separate the illegal trade from the legal.

As we have mentioned before, there is a significant economic component to this trade, both legal and illegal. By some estimates, some $24 billion a year is transferred to Mexico as a result of the drug trade. This is essentially free money and needs to go somewhere, making it a substantial portion of the Mexican economy. While the Mexican government is keen to stop the violence along the border and among the cartels, in some ways it is less interested in stopping the flow of money. History has shown that countries with large-scale criminal enterprises — such as the United States in the 1920s and 1930s — get rich, given the tremendous pool of capital available for investment. This illicit money eventually works it way into the system through legal channels.

This is a fundamental aspect of the phenomenon we are seeing now. It is a classic case of organized crime. The Mexican drug cartels are, for the most part, organized crime groups. What distinguishes Mexican organized crime groups and others from revolutionaries, terrorists and hybrid organizations such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) is the underlying principle.

In the global system, there is an economy of crime. It currently is built around drugs, but any item that is illegal in one place and legal in other and has an artificially inflated price quickly can become the center of the system. Human trafficking, smuggling and counterfeiting are cases in point, as was alcohol during prohibition. Products move from where they are legal (or at least not well-controlled) to where they are in demand but illegal. The money, of course, moves in the opposite direction. That money eventually ends up in the normal banking system. Organized crime wants to make money and it might want to manipulate the system, but it does not seek to overthrow the system or transform society. Insurgencies and revolutions seek to transform.

In the end, organized crime is about making money. Endemic organized crime leads to corruption and collusion, and in the long term often burns itself out as the money earned through its activities eventually moves into the legal economic system. When organized crime groups become rich enough, they move their money into legitimate businesses in order to launder it or a least use it, eventually turning it into established money that has entered the realm of business. This can get more complicated when organized crime and insurgents/guerrillas overlap, as is the case with FARC.

The problems we are seeing in Mexico are similar to those we have seen in past cases, in which criminal elements become factionalized. In Mexico, these factions are fighting over control of drug routes and domain. The battles that are taking place are largely the result of fighting among the organized crime groups, rather than cartels fighting the Mexican government. In some ways, the Mexican military and security forces are a third party in this — not the focus. Ultimately, the cartels — not the government — control the level of violence and security in the country.

As new groups emerge and evolve, they frequently can be quite violent and in some sense anarchic. When a new group of drug dealers moves into a neighborhood, it might be flamboyant and excessively violent. It is the same on a much larger scale with these organized crime cartels. However, although cartel infighting is tolerated to some extent, the government is forced to react when the level of violence starts to get out of hand. This is what we are seeing in Mexico.

However, given that organized crime tends to become more conservative as it grows and becomes more established, the situation in Mexico could be reaching a tipping point. For example, during the summer of 2007, the Gulf and Sinaloa cartels declared a temporary truce as their rivalry began to impact their business operations. As the competition among the cartels settles, they could begin to draw back their forces and deal with those members who are excessively violent or out of control. This is simply a way of assuring their operations. The American Mafia followed a similar pattern, evolving into an organism with strong discipline and control.

There is a question now as to whether the Mexican cartels are following the American model or imitating the Colombian model, which is a hybrid of organized crime and an insurgency. In fact, they might be following both. Mexico, in some sense, is two countries. The North has a much higher standard of living than the rest of the country, especially the area south of Mexico City. In the North, we could ultimately see a move in the direction of the American Mafia, whereas in the South — the home of the domestic guerrilla groups Zapatista National Liberation Army and Popular Revolutionary Army, it could shift more toward the Colombian model.

While the situation is evolving, the main battle in Mexico continues to be waged among various cartel factions, rather than among the cartels and the Mexican government or security forces. The goal of organized crime, and the goal of many of these cartels, is to get rich within the system, with minor variations on how that is achieved. A revolutionary group, on the other hand, wants to overthrow and change the system. The cartels obviously are working outside the legal framework, but they are not putting forward an alternative — nor do they seem to want to. Rather, they can achieve their goals simply through payoffs and other forms of corruption. The most likely outcome is not a merger between the cartels and the guerrilla groups, or even a shift in the cartels’ priorities to include government overthrow. However, as the government turns up the pressure, the concern is that the cartels will adopt insurgent-style tactics.

Organized crime is not street crime; it is systemic geopolitical crime. It is a significant social force, bringing huge amounts of capital into a system. This flow of money can reshape the society. But this criminal supply chain runs parallel to, and in many cases intersects, the legitimate global supply chain. Whether through smuggling and money laundering or increased investment capital and higher consumption rates, the underground and aboveground economies intersect.

U.S. and Mexican counternarcotics operations have an instant impact on the supply chain. Such operations shift traffic patterns across the border, affect the level of stability in the border areas — where there is a significant amount of manufacturing and trade — and impact sensitive social and political issues between the two countries, particularly immigration. In this light, then, violence is only one small part of the total impact that cartel activities and government counternarcotics efforts are having on the border.

http://www.stratfor.com.

15
Feb

Darfur and the Middle East Media: The Anatomy of Another Conspiracy

Inquiry & Analysis | No. 422 | February 15, 2008

Sudan/Antisemitism Documentation Project

 

Darfur and the Middle East Media:


The Anatomy of Another Conspiracy


By Steven Stalinsky*

Introduction


The Darfur region of Sudan first made headlines in February 2003 with news of massacres, rapes, mutilations, and other atrocities perpetrated by the Sudanese government and its allied armed Arab militia, the Janjaweed, against civilians in the black Arab and non-Arab south. Shortly thereafter, the Arab and Iranian media came out with reports explaining these events as the result of a conspiracy. The campaign was led by the most influential Arab and Iranian newspapers and TV channels, and was enhanced by leading
Middle East religious figures, heads of state, members of academia, and other notable individuals.

According to these media reports, what was really happening in Darfur involved secret plans to create a Christian state in Sudan; a Jewish attempt to annex the African country to become part of Israel; a U.S. government effort to control Sudanese oil, uranium and other natural resources; plots by U.S. presidential candidates; and a U.S. government attempt to deflect attention from its actions in Iraq, as well as schemes by Jews, Freemasons, the United Nations, and the African Union.
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion have also been cited as evidence to prove the existence of a conspiracy in Darfur.

As the conspiracy theories expanded, a new phenomenon developed – namely, downplaying and even denying the atrocities taking place in
Darfur. The deniers have included the Sudanese and Iranian leaderships and the Arab government-controlled media. It must be noted that this phenomenon is strikingly similar to Holocaust denial, and in fact, many proponents of the Darfur denial have been known to question the Holocaust.

The Sudanese Leadership and the “Darfur Conspiracy”

The Sudanese government, military, and religious establishment who stand behind the Janjaweed militias have been extremely vocal in spreading conspiracy theories about Darfur. Within a month of the first Western media reports of killings in Darfur, in 2003, Sudan’s representative to the U.N. in Geneva, Ibrahim Mirghani Ibrahim, described these reports as a “total denial of reality.”(1)

According to the Sudanese paper Al-Sahafa, Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir said, during the opening session of the international “Mercy for All Creatures” conference in Khartoum in November 2007, that Western plots against Sudan have been ongoing since the land was occupied by the British, and that lust for Darfur’s treasures was feeding the current crisis. Al-Bashir was quoted by Al-Sahafa as stating that the West was shoving its nose into Islam’s affairs and punishing those who doubted the Nazi Holocaust, while giving legitimacy to insulting Islam’s Prophet Muhammad at the same time calling it freedom of expression. He added that the unholy alliance between the extreme Christian right and global Judaism was setting the Darfur conflict on fire.(2)

Sudanese presidential aide Majdhob Al-Khalifa was quoted by the Sudanese Media Center on August 23, 2007 alleging a conspiracy in Darfur. Al-Khalifa’s statement focused on “U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the U.N., involved in what Al-Khalifa termed ’sabotage’ and ‘indiscriminately killing civilians and usurping the oil wealth of the region [of Darfur].’ He cited as his evidence ‘the Bush administration['s]… plan to create [the] Greater Middle East by dividing large Muslim states into tiny entities, according to a map released by an official U.S. army magazine.”(3)

In a July 25, 2007 interview with the Saudi daily ‘Okaz, Sudan Defense Minister Abdul Rahim Muhammad Hussein Al-Naqb replied, when asked about “the infiltration of Jewish organizations in Darfur,” that “over 24 Jewish organizations” were behind the international outrage about Darfur “through their control of the media and their influence over American and British circles…”(4)

The secretary-general of Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP), Ibrahim Ahmad Omar, told the Egyptian Al-Ahram Weekly in an interview published in the February 22-28, 2007 edition that “the West wants to see Darfur divided. This is the scheme adopted by Western foreign policy.” He added, “The Americans cannot accept the fact that Sudan has large and very much unexploited oil reserves while it is not bowing to the will of Washington. They know that they cannot get this government to succumb to their wishes.”

On the Zionists’ “schemes” in Darfur, Omar commented: “Once Sudan is divided, Israel would get rid of this big Arab/Muslim country that is still calling it an enemy, and would have instead smaller entities [to contend with],” adding that Israel would be able to conduct relations with most of them. He continued: “The fact of the matter is that Sudanese public radio is still calling Israel the enemy.” According to Omar, “this is a good reason why the Israelis and Zionist groups all over the world, especially in the U.S., are dedicating much attention to the issue of Darfur when it is not the only humanitarian crisis in the world…”(5)

Al-Jazeera TV: America is Behind Darfur Atrocities

Since its inception, Al-Jazeera TV has been influential in shaping the Arab world’s opinion about current events such as Darfur. Dr. Mamoun Fandy, one of the world’s leading scholars on Arab media, was highly critical of Al-Jazeera’s reporting on Darfur in his authoritative new book (Un)Civil War of Words.(6)

Dr. Fandy quoted one observer of the Arab media as stating: “Al-Jazeera, notwithstanding the courage shown by its employees on battlefields in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Palestine, did not send any of its correspondents to Darfur.” Fandy elaborated on this by asking: “…Al-Jazeera aired the reports of Egyptian doctors returning from Darfur asserting there was no famine, rapes, or murders. Why did the benevolent Al-Jazeera fail to send any of its correspondents there, especially when its correspondents have gone into the heart of the battles of the murderers and transmitted their pictures as they hailed the Iraqi leader Saddam?”(7)

Al-Jazeera’s role in spreading a distorted picture of Darfur was also evidenced by a program aired by the channel on October 23, 2007. The program’s guests included Egyptian-American writer Magdi Khalil, who debated an Islamist sheikh on the situation in the Middle East. Khalil was highly critical of the program itself and of how the Arab media has reported on Darfur. The debate captured the essence of the overall issue of the “Darfur conspiracy” in the Arab media, with Khalil arguing that “the discourse coming out of the Arab and Islamic region is a disgrace. In Darfur and south Sudan, severe [human rights] violations occur – ethnic cleansing, the murder of millions, and rape – yet no one but the West exposes what is happening in south Sudan and Darfur. The New York Times was the first to raise this issue, and it is the West that is now defending the rights of the Muslims in Darfur… There is no justice at all in the Arab region. There is only criticism of any spark of hope for international justice… They are used to condemning everything, and doing nothing but supporting terrorism and extremism.”

The Al-Jazeera interviewer responded to Khalil by asking: “With regard to Darfur, are you trying to convince the Arab world that the ‘American wolf,’ as Dr. Al-Mubarak [the other guest] called him, is shedding a tear over what is happening in Darfur? It is the fragmentation of Sudan, the partitioning of Sudan – the partitioning of something that is already partitioned. There is oil in Darfur, and they don’t care about all the Arabs and Muslims put together.”

Khalil responded: “That’s all nonsense. That deceiving propaganda is all around you – oil and all that… Do you know how much was spent on Iraq? Even if America were to take Iraq’s oil for the next 200 years, it would not compensate for what it has spent on Iraq. You are used to spreading delusions, lies, and deceiving propaganda…”( 8)

In another Al-Jazeera program, that aired on July 28, 2007, the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan, Sheikh Sadeq Abadallah bin Al-Majed, was asked by the Al-Jazeera correspondent: “We are visiting you at a time when events in Darfur are casting a shadow on Sudan. I would like to ask you for your opinion about what is happening, and who is responsible for it…” Sheikh Al-Majed answered: “The West, and the Americans in particular, have been planning this for years… The reason is that they studied this region extensively – the Darfur region in particular – and realized that it is full of treasures, the likes of which have never been found elsewhere in Sudan.” The Al-Jazeera correspondent then asked, “So in your opinion, the Americans are behind what is happening in Darfur?” The sheikh answered, “Yes. They are behind all the tragedies that are taking place in Darfur.”(9)


A U.S. Government Conspiracy to Gain Control of Sudan’s Oil

In another Al-Jazeera TV report, one that covered a conference of Islamist leaders in Sudan and that aired July 3, 2007, Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood representative Dr. Hassan Al-’Audha told the audience, “America believes that it owns the oil discovered in Sudan. These are not my words. [Former U.S. president Jimmy] Carter declared some two years ago: ‘We wanted the oil of Sudan to be used for the pleasure of the American people after 2005.”(10)

Libyan leader Mu’ammar Al-Qadhafi devoted much of his October 22, 2007 speech to Cambridge University students via video link to the issue of Darfur, saying: “The clash of interests between these powers has internationalized what was barely a tribal dispute.” He added that what is really happening centers on “…superpowers who are interested in oil and other things.”(11)

An editorial in the Egyptian Al-Ahram Weekly of July 29-August 4, 2004 stated: “The suspicion in the Arab world is that America’s eagerness to intervene in Darfur is an American conspiracy to gain control of Sudanese oil.”(12)

“Oiling the Wheels of Greed” was the title of another article on Darfur, in the Al-Ahram Weekly of May 31-June 6, 2007. Written by Gamal Nkrumah, the article discussed claims that what is really happening in Darfur is “part of America’s strategy to lay its hands on Sudanese oil,” and, furthermore, that “the imposition of American sanctions against Sudan should be viewed in the context of the increasingly fierce competition between the U.S. and China for control of Africa’s oil wealth…”(13)

The leader of the Sudanese opposition Popular Congress Party, Sheikh Hassan Al-Turabi, who is Sudan’s chief Islamist ideologue as well as an influential former parliamentary speaker, was quoted by the May 31-June 6, 2007 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly as stating that he was “convinced” that the “CIA” was involved in Darfur, and, more explicitly, that “the Americans are only interested in [Darfur’s] oil.”(14)

A November 28, 2007 article titled “Israel in Darfur and National Arab Security,” by Ahmad Hussein Al-Shimi, posted on the Sudanese Media Center website, enumerated Israel and U.S. conspiracies in Darfur, on issues ranging from supporting insurgents in Sudan to geography and oil. He depicted Darfur as “a great arena for settling conflicts and disputes between Arabs and Israel…”

He added: “Israeli/American interest and plans interlink in Darfur, to establish an independent state in western Sudan… besides establishing a technologically advanced military base under common American-British-Israeli observance, the purpose of which is to control security status and political interactions in Egypt, Sudan, Libya, African states, and the Red Sea. It also aims at protecting [the] oil pipeline that the U.S. is conducting negotiations to build, which shall be extending from Iraq, [via the] Gulf states, to the Red Sea, [and] then to Darfur province through Libya and Morocco, to the Atlantic Ocean… with coordination between U.S. intelligence and the Israeli Mossad. And Darfur insurgents aiming on destabilizing the province and creating chaos and terror within its ranks, also aims at obtaining international sympathy for deploying international forces in the province, to become a jumping point to get full control over the African Horn, which tallies with its strategy and control on the new oil basin there… [I]t is clear that what is taking place on the ground uncovers Israeli/American intentions to support, first, separating the province from Sudan, and, later, to fragment Sudan and other African states, to give an overall deadly blow to the Arab national security…”(15)


A
U.S. Presidential Election Conspiracy – In 2004 and 2008

Shortly before the 2004 U.S. presidential election, reports appeared in the Arab media claiming that what was happening in Darfur was actually a conspiracy to help President Bush win reelection. The Egyptian daily Al-Ahram Al-Arabi published an extensive investigative report by Dr. Amani Al-Tawil, titled “The Key to the American Voting Booths Is in Darfur: The Plot Which Is Called Oil,” on June 31, 2004. In an interview on Saudi Al-Majd TV, on August 11, 2004, Sudanese Ambassador to Cairo Dr. Ahmad Abd Al-Halim spoke at length on Darfur and other issues, including the U.S. presidential elections, and explained that “extremist” voters in America wanted to transform Sudan into a Christian state.(16) In another report, the editor of the Egyptian government evening daily Al-Ahram Al-Masai, Mursi ‘Atallah, explained in Al-Ahram on July 24, 2007 that the U.S.’s interest in Darfur was a ploy connected to the U.S. presidential elections, as well as an attempt by the U.S. to get its hands on a large strategic reserve of uranium already found in Darfur.(17)


A
U.S. Government/Zionist Conspiracy to Deflect Attention from Iraq

An April 20, 2007 editorial in the Egyptian government daily Al-Gomhouriya stated that the depiction of events in Darfur as a humanitarian tragedy was aimed at cloaking the West’s campaign to redraw the map of the Arab world in accordance with its own interests as well as attempts to avert attention from Iraq and Palestine: “[A]t a time when, in Iraq, there are hundreds of Iraqis being killed every day under the nightmare of the American occupation, which has turned Baghdad into the capital of death… the issue of Darfur, which the West has described as a humanitarian tragedy, has become a cover for what is really being planned and carried out by the Western forces of hegemony and control in our Arab world. They aim to redraw the map [of the Arab world] in accordance with their interests and with the interests of Israel, without taking into account the true humanitarian crises that will be caused as a result.”(1 8)

A Muslim Brotherhood spiritual leader, Sheikh Yousef Al-Qaradhawi, who also heads the European Council for Fatwa and Research and the International Council of Muslim Scholars, said in an interview published on September 10, 2004 in the Qatar daily Al-Sharq, “Look for the Zionists behind every disaster. We have found their fingers in Darfur.”(19) In a September 1, 2007 interview with IslamOnline, Al-Qaradhawi said, in reference to Darfur, that the Western media “often make too much fuss about nothing,” and added, “The Western media also wanted to drift attention away from the situations in Palestine [and] Iraq.”(20)

The February 8-14, 2007 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly featured a cartoon of a blindfolded Sudanese man speaking into multiple microphones as behind him Uncle Sam carves up a bleeding map of Sudan, which hangs from a meat hook, as two dogs representing Israel and Britain lick their chops. Under the cartoon was an article titled “The Real Conspiracy,” in which the author, Ayman Al-Amir, states that “it is safe to assume conspiracy is at work” in all conflicts in the Middle East that are perpetrated by Israel. He wrote: “Westerners have often scoffed at Arabs as conspiracy theory addicts. Throughout the 20th century, everything Arab nationalists suspected as a scheme by colonial powers against their interests and aspirations was dismissed as a figment of Arab imagination. …Yet after decades of secrecy, declassified documents of confidential meetings, agreements, diplomatic correspondence, and reports, from the early years of the last century to the mid-1990s, reveal that the stretch of Arab imagination is much narrower than the scope of the conspiracy.”(21)

Ahmad Hussein Al-Shimi explained in his November 28, 2007 article on the website of the Sudanese Media Center: “The strategic importance of Darfur is not only of great interest to the U.S., it is [of interest] to Israel too, [which] hides behind [its provision of] humanitarian help to execute its secret plans… Israel aims on achieving two goals: [to draw attention to the fact] that it is giving humanitarian help for peoples suffering from tragedies… [and to create a] distraction… from the drastic human conditions Palestinians are living in [in the] occupied territories, and to guide the attention of the human society to Darfur…”

The influential former editor of the London Arabic daily Al-Hayat, Jihad Al-Khazen, wrote on April 13, 2007 that while killing in the Darfur region was indeed taking place, “the Israel lobby” was to blame for making the situation out to be worse than it actually is. In a piece headlined “Since the Victims Are Arabs and Muslims,” Al-Khazen wrote: “In New York, Darfur is the most important issue in the world, or at least this is what the resident or visitor sees and hears. From subway tunnels to the streets, there are thousands of posters talking about ‘genocide’ and 400,000 people killed.” However, he argued, “the lobby to save Darfur” is inflating the casualty count. “Darfur is a terrible humanitarian disaster that should not be played down. I am not doing that myself. However, the United Nations itself said that 200,000 were killed and that what had been committed there were war crimes, not genocide.” According to Al-Khazen, “the lobby to save Darfur is just the Israel lobby renamed. The goal is to divert attention from Israel’s crimes, or [from] the catastrophe of the war in Iraq.”(22)

In a September 27, 2007 article in Al-Hayat, Al-Khazen wrote a nearly identical article on “the Israel lobby” and Darfur – but with a new ending: “…In Darfur, the victims are Muslims. There are 200,000 Muslims killed by Muslims. This lobby, whether of Israel or Darfur, does not defend them. It just makes use of them as a smokescreen to obscure the other crimes stretching from Palestine to Iraq. The Israeli lobby, after all, has been very active in the pursuit of war, and still defends it; i.e. still supports killing youth of the U.S. in an unjustified war to protect Israel’s security…”(23)

The Iranian press has also spread conspiracy theories about Darfur. An Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) article titled “Zionist Regime Uses ‘Darfur Crisis’ as Distraction” focused on how the Zionists are using the events in Darfur to deflect attention away from their own activities against the Palestinians. It reported that “the powerful American Jewish lobby which tightly controls the American Congress” was behind “a high-profile propaganda campaign” about Darfur, while at the same time targeting Muslims.(24)


A Christian-Zionist Conspiracy

In a February 3, 2005 interview on Saudi government Channel 1 TV, Saudi journalist Suheila Hammad discussed how Darfur is a Christian conspiracy: “By Allah, this is a conspiracy… There is a conspiracy in Sudan – Sudan is being divided so that Darfur will become a secular state, independent from Sudan, [and] the south will become a Christian state…”(25)

In the Tehran Times of July 13, 2005, Hassan Hanzadeh wrote: “The war in southern Sudan and the Darfur crisis have caused serious economic and political problems… In the region, neighboring countries [have], with the help of the Zionist regime which is trying to weaken African Muslim countries by triggering civil wars, tried to dismember the great African Islamic country of Sudan by arming the Sudanese rebels. Their main objective is to create a Christian country on the banks of the Nile in order to end the domination of Egypt and Sudan over the world’s longest river.”(26)


Darfur Denial

As conspiracy theories about Darfur within the Arab and Iranian media have expanded, a new phenomenon has developed – downplaying and even denying the killings, rapes, and displacements taking place. The deniers range from the Sudanese and Iranian leadership to the Arab government-owned and controlled media.

Reports from the Iranian press on Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s March 2007 meeting in Sudan with the Sudanese leadership quoted him as expressing pleasure at the country’s “tranquility.” Referring to Darfur, he said: “There is no place in the world that suffers from divisions and wars unless America or the Zionists’ fingerprints are seen there.”(27) According to the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting news network, Ahmadinejad urged Islamic states to thwart such “conspiracies.”(2 8)

In an earlier meeting between top Iranian and Sudanese officials, on January 15, 2007, Sudanese Defense Minister Abdel Rahim Muhammed Hussein claimed during a visit to Tehran that what was happening in Darfur was really a “satanic plot” by “the U.S. and Israeli regimes, [which] are working hard to incite the conflict.”(29)

In a September 20, 2007 IRNA story headlined “Bashir Reveals Zionist Plot in Darfur,” Sudanese President Al-Bashir lambasted “a Zionist plot to dismember his country and plunder its resources… particularly its oil reserves, and then place it under a de facto U.N. trusteeship…” He said: “Humanitarian agencies are exaggerating the extent of the suffering of Darfur civilians to secure increased funding.”

On February 24, 2007, President Al-Bashir told conferees at the Nation of Islam conference in Detroit, via satellite link, that America is “exaggerating troubles in Darfur” so that it can control the country as it has Iraq. His comments were broadcast live on Sudanese state television.(30)

When International Criminal Court prosecutors first filed warrants against Sudanese Humanitarian Affairs Minister Ahmad Haroun and a Janjaweed leader, Ali Muhammad Ali Abd Al-Rahman (also known as Ali Kushayb), Sudanese President Al-Bashir called the allegations of crimes against humanity in Darfur a “fabrication” in a March 19, 2007 interview on NBC TV.

Sudanese Media Center deputy editor Dr. Jassim Taqui stated on August 23, 2007: “There is absolutely no truth in the Western propaganda that Sudan violates human rights in Darfur…” In an interview with the Pakistan Observer, Dr. Ismail Al-Haj Musa said, “[O]ne should not be misled by the Western false propaganda against Sudan and Islam…” Musa maintained that Darfur problem had found broad publicity in the Western media – “which complicated the problem and finding a solution for it…”(31)

An editorial in the July 29-August 4 2004 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly criticized those who claimed that “the Sudanese government is undertaking operations of ethnic cleansing against the inhabitants of Darfur, and especially against non-Arab tribes.”

Arab Intellectuals Criticize Darfur Conspiracies, Denounce Denial

While the conspiracies surrounding Darfur within the Arab and Iranian media continue unabated, many leading Arab intellectuals have strongly denounced those who spread them, as well as those who are denying the atrocities taking place.

On June 24, 2004, the former editor of the London Arabic daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, and presently Al-Arabiya TV director Abd Al-Rahman Al-Rashed, published an op-ed about the Arab press’s indifference to Darfur: “They are not the victims of Israeli or American aggression; therefore, they are not an issue for concern. This is how an approach of indifference toward others outside the circle of conflict with foreigners, and of permitting their murder, is spread as you read and write about the Darfur crisis… Is the life of 1,000 people in western Sudan less valuable, or is a single killed Palestinian or Iraqi of greater importance, merely because the enemy is Israeli or American? …As for Arab intellectuals… who consider any blood not spilled in conflicts with foreigners to be cheap and its spilling to be justifiable – they are intellectual accomplices in the crime…”(32)

An article titled “The Arab Silence on Darfur Revisited,” by Abu Khawla, former chair of the Tunisian section of Amnesty International, captured the position of many Arab reformists critical of the Arab media’s coverage of Darfur. The article, which appeared on the liberal Arabic website Middle East Transparent on December 22, 2004, stated: “The catastrophe unfolding these days in Darfur… is considered to be the worst humanitarian crisis in the world… [Former U.N. secretary-]general Kofi Anan described the matter as a collective massacre of civilians… In contrast, a deafening silence was observed throughout the Arab world on the horrendous crime being committed by their fellow Arabs in Sudan…”(33)

As columnist Diana Mukkaled eloquently wrote in a July 5, 2007 article titled “The Devil on Horseback,” in the London daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat: “The Arabs and their media are split over Darfur. There are people who see the issue as ‘a grand conspiracy.’ Others tend to hold the view that it contains clear bias against non-Arabs, considering that the Darfur issue involves African tribes. This view holds that the accusations are made against some Arab tribes in Darfur, so the Arab media have not been concerned with the issue of human rights of the Africans there… It is sad to see the frightening extent which our lack of humanity has reached.”

In his book (Un)Civil War of Words,(34) Dr. Mamoun Fandy wrote: “In the case of the Darfur atrocities, we find that Arab media have demonstrated little interest in moving the issue to the forefront of political debates in the Arab street as Iraq and Palestine have been… Many media outlets, instead of presenting the Darfur issue as a crisis characterized by genocide and human suffering, transformed the issue into a question of imperialism. The Darfur story, as told by the Arab media, was a problem of Western intervention, of which the government of Sudan was a victim. For example, a commentator wrote in Egypt’s Akhbar Al-Youm: ‘George Bush and Tony Blair… are now both planning another adventure in Africa, this time in Sudan’s Darfur, with different pretexts from those they used in the invasion of Iraq.’”(35)

Fandy also wrote, “In a late response to the atrocities of Darfur, the Union of Arab Journalists pledged to produce a report on the truth behind the crisis in Sudan – an implicit recognition that little has been done by the Arab media to investigate the story. The head of the delegation dispatched to compile the report expressed in a statement his support for the ‘unity’ of Sudan, and condemned ‘visible and covert foreign interventions in Darfur.’”(36)

In a May 2006 article that appeared on multiple websites titled “Why Are We Muslims So Silent on Darfur?” Muslim Canadian Congress Communications director Tarek Fatah wrote: “This line of thinking – that Jews have somehow stolen the issue of Darfur’s genocide by actively campaigning against it – has been making the rounds in cyberspace and needs a rebuttal. The fact that more than 200,000 Darfurians, almost all of them Muslim, have been killed in an ongoing genocide [and] the fact that more than a million Muslim Darfurians are displaced refugees living in squalor and fear appears not to have registered with the leadership of traditional Muslim organizations and mosques…”

Fatah quoted El-Fadl El-Sharif, a Muslim Sudanese Canadian who organized a massive rally in Canada on Darfur, as saying, “It is nonsense to suggest that the death, destruction and suffering of the Darfurian people is imaginary, or that Zionists are using us as propaganda… [T]he Sudanese government-backed militias are the people who are killing their fellow Sudanese. The tragedy is that it is Muslims who are killing other Muslims…”(37)

An October 5, 2006 article in the Sudan Tribune on Darfur, titled “Pathological Delusions,” by Sudanese human rights activist and writer Ahmad Elzobeir, criticized the political culture in the Middle East that, he said, has “created an atmosphere that encourages conspiracy theories to thrive.” In the Middle East, Elzobeir stated, “fiction [is] transformed into a reality; illusions become facts, lies become truth, people, elites and media [have] accepted the endless set of conspirac[y] theories that explain miraculously everything. In such [a] political climate, where Islamic fundamentalist[s] dominate the political and theological agenda of the whole region, political dogma and terror [have] replaced any meaningful dialogue between competing ideas. Free, moderate-thinking Muslims and progressive secular liberal views [are] rejected and terrorized into hiding. Conspiracy theory has been adopted to fill the gap as the theory of every ‘thing.’”

Elzobier was particularly critical of the accusation that the “Jews are behind everything,” including “the case of Darfur”: “To consolidate the Jewish conspiracy theory claims, the infamous document of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion [has been] adopted as a gospel truth, although after World War II and the Holocaust most of the world has generally rejected claims that these protocols could represent factual evidence of a real Jewish conspiracy. The exception to this is the Middle East, where large numbers of Arabs and Muslims regimes and leaders have endorsed them as authentic.”

Elzobeir’s conclusion put the entire issue of the Darfur conspiracy in context: “The reality remains that [those who are] suffering in Darfur [have] moved the conscience of the world and troubled their humanity; [people] are protesting simply because they care. The government of Sudan has consistently failed to resolve peacefully its own problem, [so] the international community has [been] left with no option other than to act to protect civilians in Darfur. If there is a conspiracy [that] needs to be figured out, I guess the nasty mindset that compels this government to commit such horrible crimes [against] its own people will be an obvious candidate.”

* Steven Stalinsky is the Executive Director of MEMRI

Endnotes:
(1) United Nations Press Release (
U.S.) March 28, 2003, Click here to view the Press Release .
(2) Al-Sahafa (
Sudan), November 14, 2007. MEMRI Blog, “Sudan President: Alliance Between Christian Right, Global Judaism Is Setting Darfur On Fire,” http://www.thememriblog.org/blog_personal/en/3670.htm.
(3)
Sudanese Media Center (Sudan), August 23, 2007.
(4) ‘Okaz (
Saudi Arabia), July 25, 2007.
(5) Al-Ahram Weekly (
Egypt), February 22–28, 2007.
(6)
http://www.amazon.com/Un-Civil-War-Words-Politics/dp/0275993930
(7) (Un)Civil War of Words: Media and Politics in the Arab World, Mamoun Fandy; (Al-Jazeera Channel: Why in Baghdad and Not in Darfur?), Middle East Transparent, August 8, 2004
( 8) MEMRI TV Clip No. 1609, “Egyptian-American Writer Magdi Khalil Clashes with Saudi Expert on International Law Mahmoud Mubarak over the Holocaust and Armenian Genocide,”